Pemetaan mobilitas penduduk di kawasan pinggiran Kota Bandung
Lili Somantri
1*)
1)
Program Studi Sains Informasi Geografi, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia
*Koresponden Email: [email protected]
Abstrak. Tingginya mobilitas penduduk dari kawasan pinggiran ke pusat kota menimbukan beberapa dampak negatif yakni kepadatan
penduduk, kemacetan lalu lintas, polusi udara, dan lain-lain Upaya penanggulangan mobilitas dapat dilakukan dengan perencanaan dan
pembangunan kawasan pinggiran. Sebagai langkah awal perencanaan, pemetaan tingkat dan pola mobilitas penduduk perlu dilakukan agar
penanganan yang diberikan menjadi tepat sasaran . Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kuantitatif dengan teknik
pengumpulan data observasi dan wawancara.. Analisis spasial untuk memetakan data dilakukan dengan bantuan analisis SIG menggunakan
teknik overlay. Hasil penelitian pada 7 titik pengamatan pada periodik waktu 06.00 – 18.00 menunjukan bahwa arus masuk ke Kota Bandung
jauh lebih 13% besar dibanding arus keluar terutama pada hari kerja dengan total 35.896 kendaraan. Hal tersebut menunjukan bahwa ada
ketergantungan wilayah pinggiran terhadap kota Bandung terutama yang berkaitan dengan pekerjaan, pendidikan, dan lain sebagainya.
Dengan demikian pola penanggulangan mobilitas ialah membangun sarana dan prasarana sosial, ekonomi, dan pendidikan serta kesehatan
pada wilayah pinggiran.

Kata kunci: mobilitas penduduk; kendaraan; kawasan pinggiran; pemetaan; sig

Abstract. The high mobility of the population from the suburbs to the city center causes several negative impacts, namely population density,
traffic congestion, air pollution, etc. Efforts to overcome mobility can be carried out by planning and developing suburban areas. As a first
step in planning, mapping the level and pattern of population mobility needs to be done so that the treatment provided is right on target. This
research uses a quantitative descriptive approach with observation and interview data collection techniques. Spatial analysis to map the data
is carried out with the help of GIS analysis using overlay techniques. The results of the study at 7 observation points at a periodic time of 06.00
- 18.00 showed that the inflow to the city of Bandung was 13% larger than the outflow, especially on weekdays with a total of 35,896
vehicles. This shows that there is a dependence of suburban areas on the city of Bandung, especially those related to work, education, and so
on. Thus, the pattern of overcoming mobility is to build social, economic, educational and health facilities and infrastructure in the periphery.
Keywords: mapping; mobility; suburb
PENDAHULUAN
Mobilitas penduduk yang relative tinggi menjadi salah
satu penyebab tingginya jumlah penduduk di Kota Bandung
selain dari faktor pertumbuhan alami (Widiawaty dkk.,
2019). Mobilitas tersebut dapat dipengaruhi oleh beberapa
faktor diantaranya adalah perubahan iklim, lingkungan yang
kurang mendukung, konflik dan kelangkaan pangan,
ketimpangan sosial ekonomi serta globalisasi (Barbosa dkk.,
2018). Di Kota Bandung sendiri banyaknya penduduk
komuter yang bekerja di wilayah Kota Bandung menjadi
salah satu penyebab tingginya mobilitas (Somantri, 2013).
Selain bekerja, aktivitas lain yang dilakukan penduduk ialah
akses pendidikan, rekreasi, belanja, pelayanan umum dan
akses layanan kesehatan di pusat Kota Bandung (Anisa,
2012). Mobilitas penduduk akan semakin meningkat seiring
berkembangnya suatu wilayah perkotaan dan interaksinya
dengan wilayah pinggiran. Sebagaimana dalam kajian
mobilitas di pinggiran Kota Yogyakarta, bahwa dengan
adanya keberadaan pusat perkembangan baru kawasan
industri Piyungan telah mendorong terjadinya mobilitas
penduduk (Sadali, 2016). Pada kajian di wilayah periurban
Kota Tasikmalaya dan Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, mobilitas
penduduk didasari oleh alasan pekerjaan dan pendidikan
karena pada Kota Tasikmalaya lengkap dengan sarana dan
prasarana penunjang kehidupan (Singkawijaya, 2017).
Begitu pula yang terjadi pada pinggiran Kota Denpasar
mobilitas penduduk dari desa ke kota didasari karena faktor
perkembangan pariwisata dan menjadi pusat kegiatan
ekonomi, sehingga banyak penduduk yang memilih bekerja
pada sektor jasa (Suamba dan Nurdiantoro, 2014).
Mobilitas penduduk di Kota Bandung cenderung
dilakukan oleh penduduk dari kawasan pinggiran. Pada
umumnya kawasan pinggiran kota bukanlah sebuah
kawasan yang mandiri dengan keterbatasan fasilitas serta
tingkat kebutuhan penduduknya yang tinggi. Hal ini,
membuat wilayah pinggiran Kota Bandung memiliki
ketergantungan yang cukup besar terhadap kawasan
lainnya, khususnya kawasan pusat kota yang memiliki
kelengkapan fasilitas yang jauh lebih memadai. Faktor
ketergantungan ini mendorong terjadinya mobilitas
penduduk dari kawasan pinggiran ke daerah pusat kota
dalam rangka menemukan dan memenuhi segala kebutuhan
hidup (Barbosa dkk., 2018). Tingkat mobilitas penduduk di
ISSN 0125 - 1790 (print), ISSN 2540-945X (online)
Majalah Geografi Indonesia Vol. 36, No 2 (2022) 95-102
DOI: 10.22146/mgi.70636
©2022 Fakultas Geografi UGM dan Ikatan Geograf Indonesia (IGI)
Direvisi: 2022-06-05 Diterima: 2022-06-13
©2022 Fakultas Geografi UGM dan Ikatan Geograf Indonesia (IGI)
Come to be stranded: the dynamics of refugee influx in three Indonesian
government regimes
Bagas Aditya
1
, Agus Joko Pitoyo
2
1
The University of Melbourne,
2
Faculty of Geography Universitas Gadjah Mada
Email koresponden: [email protected]
Submit : 2023-01-18 Direvisi: 2023-02-16 Accepted 2023-07-15
©2023 Fakultas Geografi UGM dan Ikatan Geograf Indonesia (IGI)
Abstrak Indonesia telah menjadi salah satu negara transit pengungsi sejak abad ke-20. Namun, hanya beberapa sarjana yang mempelajari
dinamikanya. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan dinamika pengungsi internasional di Indonesia dari tahun 1978 hingga 2022 dengan
menggunakan pendekatan geografi sejarah dan desktop research. Studi ini menemukan bahwa pengungsi yang masuk ke Indonesia pada masa
Orde Baru dan masa transisi krisis mayoritas berasal dari Asia Tenggara. Krisis besar yang terjadi pada masa itu antara lain krisis manusia perahu,
krisis pengungsi Kamboja, pengusiran warga Timor Timur, dan krisis pengungsi MENA. Pada era reformasi hingga saat ini, jumlah pengungsi
dan sebaran negara asal semakin meningkat dengan krisis utama adalah krisis laut Andaman dan krisis Rohingya. Faktor-faktor yang mendasari
para pengungsi internasional memilih Indonesia sebagai negara suaka adalah kedekatan geografis, konflik regional, kedekatan sosial, sejarah,
dan budaya, serta kebijakan anti pengungsi dari negara penerima. Sementara itu, kebijakan internal terkait pengungsi antar pemerintahan tidak
terlalu berpengaruh pada dinamika pengungsi sebab indonesia konstan pada posisinya sebagai non penerima pengungsi.
Kata Kunci: pengungsi internasional, Indonesia, negara transit, geografi sejarah, migrasi
Abstract Since the twentieth century, Indonesia has been a refugee transit country. However, only a few academics have investigated its dynamics.
This study uses historical geography and desktop research methods to explain the dynamics of international refugees in Indonesia from 1978 to 2022.
According to this study, most refugees who arrived in Indonesia during the New Order era and the crisis transition period were from Southeast Asia.
The boat people crisis, the Cambodian refugee crisis, the East Timorese refugees, and the MENA refugee crisis were all major crises at the time. The
number of refugees and the distribution of countries of origin have increased during the reform era, with the main crises being the Andaman Sea and
the Syrian refugee crises. Geographic proximity, regional conflicts, social, historical, and cultural proximity, as well as the receiving country’s anti-
refugee policies, all contribute to international refugees choosing Indonesia as a country of asylum. Meanwhile, internal refugee policies have little
impact on the dynamics of refugees because Indonesia continues to be a non-recipient of refugees.
Keywords: refugees, Indonesia, transit country, historical geography, migration
ISSN 0125-1790 (print), ISSN 2540-945X (online)
Majalah Geografi Indonesia Vol 37, No 2 (2023) 196-203
DOI: 10.22146/mgi.81436
©2023 Fakultas Geografi UGM dan Ikatan Geograf Indonesia (IGI)
Pemetaan mobilitas penduduk di kawasan pinggiran Kota Bandung
Lili Somantri
1*)
1)
Program Studi Sains Informasi Geografi, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia
*Koresponden Email: [email protected]
Abstrak. Tingginya mobilitas penduduk dari kawasan pinggiran ke pusat kota menimbukan beberapa dampak negatif yakni kepadatan
penduduk, kemacetan lalu lintas, polusi udara, dan lain-lain Upaya penanggulangan mobilitas dapat dilakukan dengan perencanaan dan
pembangunan kawasan pinggiran. Sebagai langkah awal perencanaan, pemetaan tingkat dan pola mobilitas penduduk perlu dilakukan agar
penanganan yang diberikan menjadi tepat sasaran . Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kuantitatif dengan teknik
pengumpulan data observasi dan wawancara.. Analisis spasial untuk memetakan data dilakukan dengan bantuan analisis SIG menggunakan
teknik overlay. Hasil penelitian pada 7 titik pengamatan pada periodik waktu 06.00 – 18.00 menunjukan bahwa arus masuk ke Kota Bandung
jauh lebih 13% besar dibanding arus keluar terutama pada hari kerja dengan total 35.896 kendaraan. Hal tersebut menunjukan bahwa ada
ketergantungan wilayah pinggiran terhadap kota Bandung terutama yang berkaitan dengan pekerjaan, pendidikan, dan lain sebagainya.
Dengan demikian pola penanggulangan mobilitas ialah membangun sarana dan prasarana sosial, ekonomi, dan pendidikan serta kesehatan
pada wilayah pinggiran.

Kata kunci: mobilitas penduduk; kendaraan; kawasan pinggiran; pemetaan; sig

Abstract. The high mobility of the population from the suburbs to the city center causes several negative impacts, namely population density,
traffic congestion, air pollution, etc. Efforts to overcome mobility can be carried out by planning and developing suburban areas. As a first
step in planning, mapping the level and pattern of population mobility needs to be done so that the treatment provided is right on target. This
research uses a quantitative descriptive approach with observation and interview data collection techniques. Spatial analysis to map the data
is carried out with the help of GIS analysis using overlay techniques. The results of the study at 7 observation points at a periodic time of 06.00
- 18.00 showed that the inflow to the city of Bandung was 13% larger than the outflow, especially on weekdays with a total of 35,896
vehicles. This shows that there is a dependence of suburban areas on the city of Bandung, especially those related to work, education, and so
on. Thus, the pattern of overcoming mobility is to build social, economic, educational and health facilities and infrastructure in the periphery.
Keywords: mapping; mobility; suburb
PENDAHULUAN
Mobilitas penduduk yang relative tinggi menjadi salah
satu penyebab tingginya jumlah penduduk di Kota Bandung
selain dari faktor pertumbuhan alami (Widiawaty dkk.,
2019). Mobilitas tersebut dapat dipengaruhi oleh beberapa
faktor diantaranya adalah perubahan iklim, lingkungan yang
kurang mendukung, konflik dan kelangkaan pangan,
ketimpangan sosial ekonomi serta globalisasi (Barbosa dkk.,
2018). Di Kota Bandung sendiri banyaknya penduduk
komuter yang bekerja di wilayah Kota Bandung menjadi
salah satu penyebab tingginya mobilitas (Somantri, 2013).
Selain bekerja, aktivitas lain yang dilakukan penduduk ialah
akses pendidikan, rekreasi, belanja, pelayanan umum dan
akses layanan kesehatan di pusat Kota Bandung (Anisa,
2012). Mobilitas penduduk akan semakin meningkat seiring
berkembangnya suatu wilayah perkotaan dan interaksinya
dengan wilayah pinggiran. Sebagaimana dalam kajian
mobilitas di pinggiran Kota Yogyakarta, bahwa dengan
adanya keberadaan pusat perkembangan baru kawasan
industri Piyungan telah mendorong terjadinya mobilitas
penduduk (Sadali, 2016). Pada kajian di wilayah periurban
Kota Tasikmalaya dan Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, mobilitas
penduduk didasari oleh alasan pekerjaan dan pendidikan
karena pada Kota Tasikmalaya lengkap dengan sarana dan
prasarana penunjang kehidupan (Singkawijaya, 2017).
Begitu pula yang terjadi pada pinggiran Kota Denpasar
mobilitas penduduk dari desa ke kota didasari karena faktor
perkembangan pariwisata dan menjadi pusat kegiatan
ekonomi, sehingga banyak penduduk yang memilih bekerja
pada sektor jasa (Suamba dan Nurdiantoro, 2014).
Mobilitas penduduk di Kota Bandung cenderung
dilakukan oleh penduduk dari kawasan pinggiran. Pada
umumnya kawasan pinggiran kota bukanlah sebuah
kawasan yang mandiri dengan keterbatasan fasilitas serta
tingkat kebutuhan penduduknya yang tinggi. Hal ini,
membuat wilayah pinggiran Kota Bandung memiliki
ketergantungan yang cukup besar terhadap kawasan
lainnya, khususnya kawasan pusat kota yang memiliki
kelengkapan fasilitas yang jauh lebih memadai. Faktor
ketergantungan ini mendorong terjadinya mobilitas
penduduk dari kawasan pinggiran ke daerah pusat kota
dalam rangka menemukan dan memenuhi segala kebutuhan
hidup (Barbosa dkk., 2018). Tingkat mobilitas penduduk di
ISSN 0125 - 1790 (print), ISSN 2540-945X (online)
Majalah Geografi Indonesia Vol. 36, No 2 (2022) 95-102
DOI: 10.22146/mgi.70636
©2022 Fakultas Geografi UGM dan Ikatan Geograf Indonesia (IGI)
Direvisi: 2022-06-05 Diterima: 2022-06-13
©2022 Fakultas Geografi UGM dan Ikatan Geograf Indonesia (IGI)
INTRODUCTION
Refugees have become concerned about hosting and
sending countries following the growing numbers in recent
decades. More than 2.7 million people worldwide are recognized
as refugees, and most are concentrated in developing countries
(UNHCR, 2021). Even though the refugee crisis began in
the European region (Frank and Reinisch, 2014), in recent
decades, it shifted and has become a serious threat to Asian
and African regions (Mackey and Bozovik, 2017). In Southeast
Asia, several large cross-bordered displacement influxes have
happened since Cold War in 1975, leaving sociopolitical
threats and challenges to refugee management practice in this
region (Tubakovic, 2019).
Recent studies found that among ASEAN countries
members, Indonesia is a country that plays an important role
in the Asia-Pacific refugee flow (Liliansa and Jayadi, 2015;
Afriansyah et al., 2022). This country becomes a buffer zone
for Australia to deter refugees from entering its territory
(Liliansa and Jayadi, 2015). However, like most ASEAN
countries, Indonesia has not signed refugee conventions and
protocols and therefore is not responsible for giving permanent
resident status to refugees. Nevertheless, refugees still come
to Indonesia, and its number has reached more than 13.000
refugees stranded in 2021 (UNHCR, 2021).
It has been studied by L and Jayadi (2015) that the
refugees used Indonesia as a stepping stone before they
were granted permanent status in receiving countries,
mainly Australia and New Zealand. They add that the high
number of refugees transiting in Indonesia is partly due to
the geographical location between the countries of origin
and the hosting country. Another argument may come from
the improvement in refugee management in Indonesia.
Presidential Decree Number 125/2016 formulation provides
a more standardized procedure for refugee management even
though it unnecessarily reflects the Indonesian government’s
commitment to participate in the UNHCR convention. Thus,
the various possible factors and the changing government
attitude toward refugee in each period is important to assess to
give insight into refugee studies in Indonesia.
This study aims to fill the gap in refugee studies in Indonesia
by providing detailed spatial-temporal characteristics of refugee
influx in Indonesia and its influencing factors. The analysis

197Bagas Aditya/Majalah Geografi Indonesia, Vol. 37, No. 2 (2023) 196-203
used a historical geography approach and discourse analysis,
focusing on the spatial changes from 1975 to 2021. This study
used three government regime periods: New Order, Transition,
and Reformation Era, as an analysis framework. This paper
argues that Indonesia has, and still is, become a third-country
destination for refugees in Asia. Its government responses
were changed over time, influencing the characteristics of the
refugee influx. Finally, by understanding who and where they
come from, it hopes this study can provide a foundation for
refugee studies and management in Indonesia.
METHOD
This study used statistical data released by UNHCR,
which authorized the registration of refugees in Indonesia.
The data include the number of refugees from the origin
country, the annual number of refugees, and the demographic
characteristic of refugees in Indonesia. Data from UNHCR
was used because it is considered legal and valid data about
refugees since the refugee data record and management in
Indonesia is the full responsibility of UNHCR. Data provided
by UNHCR is a result of the refugee determination and
registration process. The refugee statistics were used and
presented as graphs and maps to make the interpretation
easier. Then, the distribution of refugee countries of origin
in Indonesia is visualized through a thematic map shown per
government regime period. I used the political regime period
as the analysis timeframe to see the role of government change
on refugee management and inflow.
In addition to statistical data, this study also used
historical data from books, journals, and news to support the
analysis and also to make a historical chronology of refugees
in Indonesia. The researcher uses discourse analysis to get
information about the particular event during the time frame
of analysis. In this case, the validity of the narration becomes
a concern. Hence, the information from each resource was
passed through several steps:
(1) Critics ensure these resources are credible by
understanding the resources profile. Several criteria for
media or information can be used, i.e. media has a formal
office, it is informed about the writer, based on scientific
analysis, and independent. We did a profile for each
source of information, especially news, to ensure they
were credible. This process results in 40 articles that will
be used as sources for analysis.
(2) Interpretation is the process of understanding information.
We coded information in articles according to several
keywords, i.e. refugees, inflow, crisis, and conflict. The
coded information is then used to create mind mapping
to find patterns and historical correlations that explain
the refugee influx in each time frame.
(3) Simultaneously with the interpretation process, we
verified our used article. We verified the information
by comparing and confirming other resources with a
minimum of three resources.
(4) Historiography is the process of writing information to
be chronologically arranged. The information obtained is
sewn into a complete storyline that explains the incidents
of the refugee crisis in each time frame.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Refugees in Indonesia have been narratively documented
since 1975 when the Southeast Asia regions faced a refugee
crisis due to the Indochina War 1975. At that time, many
refugees attracted the media’s and historians’ attention to
document it (Adam, 2012). However, refugee records in
statistical data only existed in 1978 due to the presence
of an agency that handled the registration of refugees, i.e.
UNHCR. Based on the UNHCR data, the number of refugees
coming to Indonesia has fluctuated throughout the years, with
some peaks in 1979-1985, 1999-2002, and 2015-2018. (Figure
1). As shown on the graph, the fluctuating influx characterizes
non-voluntary migration, commonly found in unsteady flow
(Hugo, Abasi-Shavazi, and Kraly, 2018).
Besides the number of refugees, which fluctuates but
tends to increase in recent years, the diversity of the refugees’
countries of origin rises yearly. To explain the pattern shown
in the graph, I will describe it in three different periods.
Periodization of refugee flow based on the government regime
is used to simplify the discussion and find the possibility of
government attitude towards refugees in attracting or dis-
attracting refugees. Previously Adam (2012) attempted
to categorize the characteristics of refugees who came
to Indonesia in 1978-1996 periodHegrouped into three
important periods as follows: (1) Upon the arrival of the “Boat
People” from Vietnam; (2) The presence of a representative
office of UNHCR; (2) The centralization of refugee handling in
Indonesia. In this study, the refugee influx in Indonesia is seen
more comprehensively with the New Order era (1978-1998) to
the Reformation era (1999-2018).
Figure 1. The Number of Refugees in Indonesia from 1978-2018
Source: data from UNHCR, 2019

198COME TO BE STRANDED: THE DYNAMICS OF Bagas Aditya, et al.
The New Order Era (1978-1998) – Cold War Refugee Influx
During the Soeharto era, known as the New Order,
Indonesia first faced a refugee influx. During this period,
Indonesia also began to show its existence in handling the
problem of refugees. Based on the map of refugee flow to
Indonesia during the New Order era, the distribution of
the refugees’ countries of origin in Indonesia includes the
countries in West Asia, Southeast Asia, North Africa, East
Africa, and Southern (Figure 2). The refugees in Indonesia
were dominated by those from Cambodia (i.e. 10,896 people)
and Vietnam (i.e. 152,162 people) from 1975 to 1997.
During the New Order era, there were at least two main
events of the refugee crisis in Indonesia; the “Boat People”
crisis from 1975 to 1977, the Cambodian refugee crisis, and the
starting point for refugee handling centred through UNHCR
in 1978.
Vietnam Crisis
The second Indochina War caused a major humanitarian
crisis in the Southeast Asia regions. Also, the war caused a
large-scale exodus of the South Vietnamese, later known as
Boat People. The term Boat People is addressed to refugees
from Vietnam because, during the asylum search period, the
people used boats to cross the ocean. The Boat People came
in at least three main influxes during the New Order era, as
Adam (2012) mentioned: The first refugee influx headed to
Pulau Laut, Natuna Island. The second refugee influx headed
to Riau Regency, Riau Islands, including Natuna Island,
Anambas Island, and Bintan Islands. The third refugee influx
headed to Pengibu, Anambas Island.
In early 1975 (i.e. May 22, 1975), 75 Boat People entered
Indonesian territory. The refugees who came from Vietnam
entered Indonesian territory via Pulau Laut, Natuna Island
(Adam, 2012). The first Boat People influx in Indonesia
occurred after the fall of the city of Saigon on April 30, 1975,
on the communists’ side. Most of the Vietnamese refugees
who entered Indonesian territory were those who had been
expelled from Malaysian territorial waters (Adam 2012). Most
of the entry routes for refugees are through the small island
in the South China Sea or what is now known as the North
Natuna Sea.
Cambodia crisis
The Cambodian refugee influx in the 1980s was motivated
by a conflict involving the Kampuchea government (now called
Cambodia), which received the support of the Soviet Union
and the Vietnamese government, which received support from
China (Justin 2009). The conflict has a different background
from the conflicts in North Vietnam and South Vietnam. The
conflict between North Vietnam and South Vietnam was a
tension between communist and anti-communist supporting
groups, while the Cambodian war occurred between fellow
communist groups (Mosyakov 2004). The conflict began
when the Khmer Rouge government invaded the Vietnam
border area and tried to control several areas in Vietnam,
and the Vietnamese government then responded by making
attacks (Corfield 1991). This conflict made tens of thousands
of Cambodian refugees to Thailand and other Southeast Asian
countries. However, they were not referred to as refugees
but internal refugees (IDP) in Thailand because their escape
was still within the borders between Thailand and Cambodia
(Frost 1991).
The pattern of long-distance migration (across two
countries) of the refugees from Cambodia only happened in
1977, when the first refugee influx entered Malaysian territory
(i.e. 1,580 refugees). The migration by sea only happened
in 1980 in Italy and Japan. Therefore, the out-migration of
Southeast Asia can be estimated as the refugee flow resulting
from placement from the first countries in Southeast Asia
because direct long-distance migration patterns are rare,
and the risk of travel will certainly be greater. The migration
across the Southeast Asian waters only happened in 1982, and
Indonesia was the first destination for the refugee influx of
2,610 people.
Figure 2. The Map of Refugee Flow into Indonesia during the New Order Era (1978-1997) Based on the Country of Origin
Source: data from UNHCR, 2019

199Bagas Aditya/Majalah Geografi Indonesia, Vol. 37, No. 2 (2023) 196-203
The transition from New Orde Era to Reformation Era (1999-
2000) – The Timor Timur Crisis
During the transition from the New Order era to the
Reformation era, Indonesia experienced another large-scale
influx. Approximately 162.506 people came to Indonesia,
mostly from Timor Leste or former East Timor (Figure 3).
Besides, the refugee influx from Middle Eastern countries
also showed an increase and, at the same time, became the
beginning of the existence of Middle Eastern refugees in
Indonesia in the following years. Meanwhile, there were only
a few refugees from other countries, such as China, Brunei,
Russia, Sudan, Syria, Congo, Angola, Chad, and Sierra Leone,
less than five refugees. The few refugees are those who have
fled their country alone or have been expelled from Australian
territory and are stranded in Indonesia.
The change from the New Order to the Reformation era
did not immediately happen, but rather a transitional period
marked by the immature idea of a new government system.
Indonesia’s economic and political crisis has shown an increase
to its peak, which resulted in the end of the New Order era.
The political turmoil and economic failure after the fall of
President Soeharto triggered several conflicts in Indonesia
(Clear et al. 2000). During this era, there was a change from
a semi-authoritarian to a democratic government; military
and opposition groups who disagreed with this subject
ethnic groups and triggered regional conflicts to show the
government’s unpreparedness for the change (Taylor 1999).
The refugee influx from Timor Leste cannot be separated
from the long history of conflict in East Timor since the
Portuguese decolonization in 1975. On December 7, 1975,
the Indonesian National Army (TNI) invaded East Timor,
intending to make this area part of Indonesia by carrying out
violent terror on the population (Taylor 1999). The security
crisis in East Timor between the TNI and Fretilin continued,
resulting in many civilian casualties. By the end of 1980, an
estimated 200,000 people died due to hunger, disease, and
continuing attacks from Indonesia (Clear et al., 2000).
After the fall of Soeharto in May 1998 through the
Reform agenda and was later replaced by B.J. Habibie, the idea
emerged to resolve the conflict in East Timor by holding a
referendum. The referendum held on August 30, 1999, resulted
in a decision that East Timor left the Republic of Indonesia
and became the state of Timor Leste. The separation of East
Timor from Indonesia impacted the disintegration of social
groups in society. Muhammad Zainuddin, whose story was
published by ABC Australia in Tempo (2019), said that after
the 1999 referendum, there was a split between communities,
where people who agreed with integration decided to flee to
Indonesian territory. Jose Ximenes Siqueira Da Costa (Deputy
Commander of the Aitarak Militia), whose story was published
by Lumbanrau and Kusumadewi (2016), said that his escape to
Indonesia is an attempt to escape the persecution of the Timor
Leste government after the referendum. The Commission for
Reception, Truth, and Reconciliation (CAVR) 2005 noted that
around 250,000 East Timore people fled to the West Timor
region in East Nusa Tenggara. In addition, Peake et al. (2014)
stated that the West Timor region has an important role as the
destination of the refugees since it is geographically close and
this area has close historical, social, and cultural relations with
the East Timorese people.
Reformation Era (2000-2022)-The Year of Middle East and
North Africa (MENA) Refugees and COVID-19 Pandemic
Effect
During the Reformation era, especially after a transitional
period marked by political and economic stability that
had begun to recover, Indonesia became a transit country
increasingly demanding refugees. The government has shown
a commitment to giving better refugee management through
Presidential Decree 125/2016. This law indicates that even
though Indonesia does not sign the 1967 Protocol nor the 1951
Convention, the government is still committed to protecting
the human rights of refugees. In this law, the government set
several procedures to rescue refugees from the sea, manage
Figure 3. The Map of Refugee Flow into Indonesia during the Transition Era (1998-2002) Based on the Country of Origin
Source: data from UNHCR, 2019

200COME TO BE STRANDED: THE DYNAMICS OF Bagas Aditya, et al.
in-camp detention, and process the hosting country. It also
regulates the responsibility of every stakeholder, including
UNHCR, related ministries, and local governments. Still, its
impact on refugee influx is weakly proven.
The distribution of the countries of origin for refugees in
this period increased sharply compared to the previous period
(Figure 4). During the Reformation period, the number of
refugees from countries of origin in Indonesia was 33 countries
divided into nine regions. Those who came to Indonesia were
dominated by refugees from South Asia, West Asia, Southeast
Asia, and East Africa (Figure 4). Middle Eastern countries
were undergoing the turmoil of transnational conflicts in
the 21st century, which then impacted the flow of forced
migration. The refugee outflow was triggered by a security
crisis caused by terrorist groups and territorial seizure, and
the emergence of movements demanding the changes in the
government system, such as in Libya, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen,
and Syria, is also one of the causes of the security crisis in this
region (Sahide et al. 2015).
Africa was the second contributor to refugees in Indonesia
in the 2000s. The refugee influx in Africa is largely the result of
conflict between the government and the opposition or inter-
ethnic conflict. Despite these factors, Africa’s refugee crisis
is also caused by environmental degradation, such as being
certified in the Sahel region. However, the geographic scale
of migration caused by environmental problems is relatively
low, within the scope of one area only. On the other hand,
the refugee influx caused by the security crisis has a larger
geographical scale. This is because the population does not
only move within one continent but also outside the continent.
Several main groups of refugees occurred in Indonesia
during the reformation era, including Afghanistan, Syria,
Palestine, Rohingya, and the African continent. The
Afghanistan refugees are the largest number of refugees
in Indonesia from 2003 to 2015, with 7,824 refugees. The
Afghanistan refugee influx has occurred for a long time in
surrounding countries, such as Pakistan, but in the early
2000s, the influx started to come to Indonesia. The number
of refugees who came to Indonesia in 1998 was only three.
A significant increase only occurred in 2009. There were 29
refugees only in 2008, which increased to 220 in 2009. By the
end of 2015, Afghanistan refugees in Indonesia reached 2,890
refugees.
Iranian refugees are refugees from the Middle East that
dominate Indonesia. Iran is a country that has undergone
a turbulent security crisis in the last decade, one of which
is the result of terrorism developing in Indonesia. Besides,
transnational conflicts occur due to the United States
intervention to crush terrorism, mostly in Iran. Unlike Iran,
the presence of Palestine refugees was caused by the existence
of ethnic and religious persecution by Israel. The conflict
between countries has lasted a long time and was sparked by a
dispute over territorial sovereignty.
Furthermore, Somalia is the African country with the
largest number of refugees in Indonesia. Somalia is one of five
countries, including South Sudan, Syria, and Afghanistan, the
largest contributor to refugees in the world in the 21st century
(Specia 2018). For over fifteen years, most Somali people left
their country to seek a more decent living due to civil war,
economic failure, famine, and drought (Moret, Baglioni, and
Efionayi-Mader 2006). According to Gundel (2002) in Moret
Baglioni, and Efionayi-Mader (2006), most of these migrations
were caused by civil wars, starting in 1988 in northern Somalia
and 1991 in most areas when the end of Siyad Barre’s regime.
However, the coming of the Somali refugee flow to Indonesia
only occurred in the 2000s, with an increasing trend until
2018. The migration of Somali refugees went to surrounding
countries in Africa. Still, some also tried to go to Australia but
were stranded in Indonesia due to restrictions on the quota for
refugees’ admission in Australia.
Then, the Sudanese refugees are the second biggest
refugees from Africa in Indonesia. Sudan is one of the countries
with large refugee growth. As reported in the UNHCR news
(2012), the Sudanese refugee crisis was caused by the threat of
night-time killing, abduction, and burning corps. As a result,
Sudanese refugees primarily flee to neighbouring countries
Figure 4. The Map of Refugee Flow into Indonesia during the Reformation Era (2003-2018) Based on the Country of Origin
Source: data from UNHCR, 2019

201Bagas Aditya/Majalah Geografi Indonesia, Vol. 37, No. 2 (2023) 196-203
such as Ethiopia, though many also escape to Indonesia. Those
who migrated to Indonesia were refugees who hoped to be
resettled more quickly in Australia or other western countries
(Cochrane 2018). However, restrictions on refugee admission
in Australia and other countries have trapped Sudanese
refugees and many other countries in Indonesia, resulting in
an increasing number each year.
Besides Middle Eastern refugees, the Rohingya refugee
influx from Myanmar has occurred since 2015. The arrival
pattern of Rohingya refugees is almost the same as that of
Vietnamese refugees during the Indochina War, that is, by
sea. Based on Figure 5.16, Rohingya refugees migrated from
Myanmar by sea and land routes. The refugees took the land
route to countries still in the same land as Myanmar, such as
Thailand and Bangladesh, and partly to India. Meanwhile,
the refugees took the sea route to other countries, such
as Indonesia and Malaysia. The entry route of Rohingya
refugees to Indonesia is through the west coast of Sumatra
Island. Fishermen rescued those who fled by boat and drifted
into the ocean from Aceh (Davies 2015). Some were then
accommodated in residents’ homes. However, some were
immediately handed over to detention houses in Medan (Tanu,
Missbach, and Lumina, 2017). The arrival of the Rohingya
refugees shows a new pattern, where human factors and a
sense of solidarity among Muslims have led them to Indonesia.
Besides, there are also a small number of refugees from other
Southeast Asian countries, such as Brunei, Laos, Malaysia, and
the Philippines.
The COVID-19 pandemic has brought changes to the
refugee dynamic in the world. Several countries are enhancing
border security to prevent virus transmission through human
mobility. Fear of the virus was used to justify rejecting refugees
from their homeland (Crawley, 2021). Data from UNHCR
shows that from 2019 to 2022, there was thousands of refugee
in Indonesia, but this showed a decrease. In 2019, there were
10.287 refugees, decreasing in 2020, 2021, and 2022 to 10.114,
9.982, and 9.736, respectively. Even though the number
of refugees has fallen in the last three years, the number
of new asylum seekers fluctuates, with a small increase in
2022. In 2019-2022. Several refugee boats entered Indonesia
with the help of Acehnese fishermen who brought all those
boats onshore through Pidi, Lokshumawe, and Banda Aceh,
mainly departed from Myanmar, Thailand, and Bangladesh,
bringing hundreds of Rohingya refugees (Charlton, 2020;
U.N. News, 2022). According to the Director of Human Rights
and Humanity of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Republic
Indonesia, 1.155 refugees entered Indonesia through nine boat
onshore incidents from 2020-2022.
Then, the problems of refugees in Indonesia during the
COVID-19 pandemic are related to the management process,
particularly in the camp area. The lack of sanitation and health
services has put refugees prone to infection by COVID-19.
Living in a crowded detention camp has failed them to maintain
the COVID-19 protocols properly. Moreover, refugees do not
have legal identification numbers like permanent citizens, so
they face vaccination problems. They cannot provide proof
of vaccination in PeduliLindungi, an application designed
by the government, and cannot access public transportation
and public spaces. The COVID-19 pandemic greatly impacted
refugee management in Indonesia, either from funding or
the resettlement process. According to UNHCR (2021),
the economic downturn during the pandemic has caused
difficulties in refugee funding in Indonesia. Moreover, as many
countries close their border, including limiting the refugee
resettlement process, more and more refugees are stranded in
Indonesia and living in limbo.
The growing number of refugees has led scholars to
study refugees in Indonesia, ranging from social, political,
and legal aspects (Shalihah and Nur, 2021; Afriansyah et al.,
2022). However, while those aspects have received substantial
academic attention, the geographical aspect still needs to be
addressed. Scholars have found that identifying geographical
elements, such as spatial-temporal of population movement,
is essential. Kokcis et al. (2016) mentioned that spatial and
temporal characteristics are important in predicting refugee
impact. Hubl et al. (2017) add that understanding migration
patterns is critical for administrative logistics such as refugee
accommodation, transportation, education, and distribution
and for reducing refugee causes. Moreover, studying the
geographical characteristic of refugee inflow may enrich
academic discourse in mobility geography by revealing
patterns and reasons behind it (Iqbal, 2007).
In this study, the geographical characteristic of refugee
influx in Indonesia has been identified. We found that the
refugee country of origin has been expanding, initially from
Southeast Asia to Africa and Europe. The increasing number
and country of origin are likely influenced by external factors
rather than internal factors, such as refugee policy for each
government period. It is because refugee is a part of involuntary
migration. Their movement is significantly influenced by
the push factor in their country rather than the pull factors
in the destination country. The conflict escalation in the
neighbouring country, followed by the increasing anti-refugee
policy in receiving countries, became the source of the refugee
influx. Furthermore, we found that the refugee movement
follows the law of migration, which will consider migrating to
Table 1. Refugee influx during the COVID-19 pandemic facilitated by local fishermen in Aceh
Date Number of Refugees (person)Point of Entrance
06/2020 99 Seunuddon Beach, Aceh Utara Regency
09/2020 296 Lhoksumawe Regency
06/2021 81 Aceh Timur Regency
12/2021 105 Lhoksumawe Regency
03/2022 114 Bireuen Regency
11/2022 229 Aceh Utara Regency
25/12/2022 57 Aceh Besar Regency
26/12/2022 174 Pidie Regency
Source: Antara, 2023

202COME TO BE STRANDED: THE DYNAMICS OF Bagas Aditya, et al.
the closest destination. In this context, Indonesia has become
closer to the conflict hotspot, predominately located in South
Asia and Middle Eastern. Refugees use Indonesia as a stepping
country before migrating to Australia as their final destination.
The role of government regime succession in determining
refugee influx is indirect. During the New Order Era, the
government aimed to show the international community
how Indonesia contributed to the humanitarian crisis (Adam,
2012). Therefore, the government establish an exclusive
detention area in Pulau Galang refugee to show the country’s
generosity. However, following the end of the Soeharto regime
and the involvement of the Indonesian government in Timor
Leste, political turmoil has created a large refugee influx to
Indonesia. In other words, the Indonesian government has
contributed to the refugee dynamic in its country. Furthermore,
during the reformation era, in the early twentieth-first century,
the government participation in the Bali Process formulation
also contribute to the increasing number of refugee influx
in Indonesia. This regional agreement likely disadvantages
Indonesia by allowing refugees to stay in Indonesia rather than
enter Australia. Even though through this scheme, Australia
is responsible for providing funding for refugee in Indonesia
(Gordyn, 2018), it still does not offer a sustainable solution
for refugees. This agreement will likely lead to the obscurity of
waiting time for refugees and potentially stranded them in the
transiting country.
Indonesia’s refugee management policy does not
significantly influence the refugee influx. The state remains
a non-signatory for the 1951 convention and 1967 protocol.
Even though Jokowi released presidential decree number 125
in 2016, it is unlikely to become why refugees keep coming. This
decree only gives legal procedure to search and rescue refugees
stranded within in territorial and does not provide improved
refugee services. Refugees still face difficulty accessing public
services like health, education, and employment (Birskman and
Fiske, 2016). The internal factor contributing to refugee influx
may come from local Indonesian attitude toward refugees.
For example, the Acehnese local fishermen saved and brought
Rohingya refugees offshore instead of expelling refugees like
other governments. It shows generosity on one side and brings
threads to territorial security on the other side. There must
be more coordination between the local community and the
border security officers to manage the foreign inflow identified
as refugees.
CONCLUSION
Indonesia has a significant role in refugee dynamics in the
Asia Pacific. Its location at a crossroads has made Indonesia a
strategic country in human movement. Most of the refugees
who headed to Indonesia from 1975 to 2019 came from Asian
countries and were going to Australia. Indonesia had a position
as a transit country before the refugees entered Australia, even
acting as an exiled country for rejected refugees in Australia
in some cases of the Indonesian refugee influx. They entered
Indonesia through illegal routes, whether directly migrating
from their home countries or not. The geographical setting,
conflict escalation, anti-refugee policy in the neighbouring
country and Indonesian political dynamics, including
Indonesia’s involvement in international conflict, are the main
factors influencing the dynamics of refugees. The refugee
policy development is unlikely to contribute to the fluctuation
of the refugee influx. Indonesia is still a non-signatory country
for the refugee convention, and there has been no significant
improvement by the Indonesian government in handling
refugees to attract more refugees. The refugee legal instrument
released during Joko Widodo’s leadership era is unlikely to
underlying the decision of refugees to enter Indonesia because
this law does not provide significant privileges for refugees.
Refugees enter Indonesia because they do not have the option
to survive their life. Finally, we encourage Indonesia’s long
journey in dealing with refugees should be responded to by
improving the attention to the potential and threats of a future
surge in refugees.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The author sincerely thank you for the support from
the supervisors involving Dr. Joko Pitoyo, Prof. Rijanta, and
Dr. Sukamdi. The author also express gratitude to Lembaga
Pengelola Dana Pendidikan for providing postgraduate
scholarship for the author.
AUTHORS CONTRIBUTION
B.A. contributed to designing research questions, data
analysis, and writing research paper. A.J.P contributed to
analysis, designing methods, and supervising.
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